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Title
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The Wheeling Daily Intelligencer
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Date
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1869-03-04
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Description
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The United States Congress passed the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution on February 26, 1869. The debates of the West Virginia Legislature, recorded in The Wheeling Daily Intelligencer, reveal support and trepidation for the proposed Fifteenth Amendment. The Senate debated whether to send the Amendment to the people of West Virginia for a vote but ultimately decided to ratify the Amendment in the legislature. Many argued that negro suffrage had been forced on the South, so they too should accept this “result of the war.” West Virginia ratified the Amendment on March 3, 1869, the second state to do so. It was enacted in February 1870.
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Transcription:
On motion of Mr. Doolittle, the House joint resolution ratifying the suffrage amendment, proposed by Congress, was taken up.
Mr. Davis offered an amendment, providing the question should be submitted to the people for ratification or rejection, at the October election.
Mr. Davis said that this proposed Constitutional Amendment would change our whole political status. We would, by one stride, make the negroes our equals. It was acknowledged by all parties that there was a great distinction between the two races. General Washington had said that the difference was so great it could never be eradicated. Douglas had said that history had shown that the negro race was incapable of self-government. Lincoln had said that he would not countenance giving political or civil rights to the colored race. Jefferson had said that there were lines placed there by the Almighty, that could never be erased. He referred to the distinction made by the Almighty, in the fact that one wore hair, and the other wool. Here was a marked distinction. Our duty to our people should compel us to adopt the amendment, submitting this resolution to them, for it was expressly declared in the last canvass that the question of negro suffrage was not an issue, nor could it be, until it had been adopted by two legislatures. It was placing the negroes far beyond the whites, as white parties who were entitled to vote, were not allowed to do so. He, therefore, hoped his amendment would prevail.
Mr. Boreman said that while he would probably vote with the gentleman from Mineral, on the resolution, he could not favor the amendment. He differed with the gentleman as to the fact of parties being excluded who were entitled to vote. He believed that men who had committed crime should be disenfranchised. Taxation without representation did not include such as had committed crime. Parties who had tried to break up this government were not entitled to the right of franchise. The people could effect the same thing by the resolution being adopted or rejected. He was not afraid to meet the question.
Mr. Ramsdell said he was formerly opposed to negro suffrage, but the reconstruction acts have become a fixed fact, and as the question was forced upon us, he was going to favor it. We had forced it on the South, and now to stand back and say we won’t accept it for ourselves, is stickling on a point that is beneath an American citizen.
Mr. Doolittle read from Article V, of the Constitution of the United States, in proof that it was not contemplated that the question should be submitted to the people directly.
Mr. Young had no particular objection to the amendment. He believed if the question was submitted to the people they would ratify it. The negroes had inalienable rights given them by the Constitution. It was tyranny for one set of men to arrogate to themselves the right of suffrage, and deny it to another class. No white man is deprived of the right in our State, except for crime, and in all nations criminals were excluded from the ballot. And how can we make a distinction as to color? Who is to decide whether a man has white or black blood in his veins? Negroes were permitted to vote in Virginia two hundred years ago, and it was not until 1833 they were deprived of that right. He could not forget that the negroes had helped to put down the rebellion. It was no new thing under the sun. Why force it upon the Southern States, and not accept it ourselves.
Mr. Phelps thought it should go before the people. This question should not be acted on at this session. He was not opposed to the resolution in principle. It was making so great a political revolution, in so short a time, that the people would not unde[r]stand the matter until compelled to yield to it. ‘Twas simply a proposition from Congress, and not dictation. Upon a question of so much moment as this, ‘tis the part of wise legislators to take time to consider. If the resolution were forced upon him now, it would force him to take a position he did not want to assume. He believed the 4,000,000 of colored voters in the South would eventually hold the balance of power in that section. They would be used and controlled by the large landholders. Are we ready for that?
The vote being taken on the amendment of Mr. Davis, resulted in its rejection.
The yeas were – Messrs. Applegate, Davis, Wilson and Young – 4.
The Nays were – Messrs. Hoke, (President,) Boreman, Burley, Cathers, Dix, Drummond, Doolittle, Leonard, Phelps, Ramsdell, Werninger and Workman – 12.
The question being on the adoption of the resolution.
Mr. Workman said he expected to vote for the resolution. He had opposed agitating the question hitherto, because it was not before us, but now it was before us, and if for no other reason, than that his conscience told him it was right he would vote for it. If his people did not think he was doing right, there were plenty of others who desired the position he held. We have forced negro suffrage on the South, where negroes are more ignorant than here, and we should be willing to take it ourselves.
Mr. Young believed the resolution was right, and hence he would vote for it. He was ready to join the democratic party, if it would endorse negro suffrage, and the republicans would refuse to do so. He was no policy man.
Mr. Burley had no great feeling upon the subject. He thought this a result of the war, and was willing to accept the situation.
The vote resulted in the adoption of the resolution:
The Yeas were – Messrs. Hoke, (President,) Burley, Dix, Drummond, Doolittle, Leonord, Ramsdell, Werninger, Workman and Young – 10.
The Nays were – Messrs. Applegate, Boreman, Cathers, Davis, Phelps and Wilson – 6.
After the announcement of the vote, Messrs. Boreman, Cather and Pelps arose and stated now that the resolution was adopted they would co-oporate [sic] with their Republican friends, and defend it.
